Saturday, November 27, 2010

Bihar Protagonist !!!

Every political connoisseur has projected that Nitish Kumar will come in power in Bihar but from this gigantic margin nobody has even thought. Infact when results were out Nit

ish Kumar in his first press conference acknowledged that he is also flabbergaste

d from that huge margin. In recent decades this is the prevalent win of any political alliance in Northern India. Popul

ace of Bihar voted for Nitish’s brilliant administration, good strategies and right political mindset from more than 80 % of seats.

Subsequent to two days of result of Bihar Election Sonia Gandhi visited Allaha

bad to address a immense public meeting as per Rahul Gandhi Uttar Pradesh Agenda 2012. After the loss in Bihar

the biggest question which has arrived that it will impact national politics? The real show is about to begin with the run down for 2014.... Rahul Gandhi, who gives hope to people, has been found lacking and lagging in matters where the real

"aam aadmi" is involved. Both the mother and son tried to play the blame game by trying to say no development has

taken place in Bihar. They forgot that their party has been in the saddle for a lot longer than JD (U).

Lalu Prasad Yad

av once said “Jab-Tak rahe ga samose me aalu tab tak rahega Bihar me Lalu”. Lalu Prasad Yadav is now in trouble. Fir

st he ruined relation with the Center and dropped alliance at the Central level with the Congress. Now when the results are out Lalu is seems to be in a quandary. I have heard Lalu se

veral times; his tone of speaking is appealing and tempting. But after loss in state elections his speaking looked grotesque. From this scene the come back seems to be in jeopardy. Now many more “Chhat Puja” of Lalu will be execute in leader of opposition Bungalow’s Swimming Pool. In, fact Rabdi De

vi lost from both the seats she fought. One of my cl

assmate Stuti today enlighten th

at Lalu in one of those spot even sang a song to attract populace. From my point of view the biggest problem with Lalu is his over confidence that he had during his tenure in Bihar. If he has worked efficiently like Nitish is, then he will not be out of clout.

In his political rally Nitish stated that he has not don

e enough so vote for him for another five years so that he can make Bihar more progressive like it was there in past. Bihar populace without any doubt voted for him rejecting old hero Lalu and helicopter waving rally master Rahul Gandhi. I am n

ot criticizing Rahul Gandhi but during his statements through out campaign he avowed that all the development which N

itish has done is from the funds sent by the Center. Mr Rahul Gandhi is this personal wealth of your government?

In the past five years, Nitish Kumar hasn't done anything world-shattering. He focused neurotically on three issues: the liberation of Biha

r from a state of widespread mayhem, the construction of roads and bridges, and incentives to improve the school enrolment of girls by offering them free school uniforms and bicycles. All three measures were measured by instan

t and visible returns. The enhanced personal security for ordinary citizens and better communications led to the immediate release of suppressed demand resulting in increased trade and commerce and, most important, an enthusiasm for a better life. And the spectacle of rows and rows of girls in unifor

m cycling to and from school invoked quiet pride in a society where the demand for education is voracious.

The support for the NDA in this election cut across castes and communities. According to the post-poll survey conducted by the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies, the ND

A won majority support among all the upper castes, all the backward castes apart from the Yadavs, and all the Scheduled Castes apart from the Pasis and Dusadhs. The Muslim vote was split in three, with the Congress also making a mark. What bound Bihar together was a common nostalgia for a better life, the underlying logic of economic reforms. Nitish verified that when it comes to aspirations, there is no disparity amid India and Bharat. Bihar 2010 marks the coup of unsophisticated modernism over subaltern conservatism. It's a victory that has profound implications for the future of India.

Ramachandra Guha calls NItish, "India's Obama!!” i don't understand why indians are obsessed with western personality in that way kalidas is the shakespeare of india sumitranandan pant is the wordsworth of india and now nitish obama of india nitish is way ahead of obama he has come to power second time he managed to balance two parties although he is from a regional party. i don't know what obama has done in america so special but he is riding on the hope of whole of the world. And this hope helped him to get noble peace prize when he was not even 1 month old.

Prateek Pathak



University of Allahabad

Friday, November 12, 2010

Precise Move!!

After ten minutes of departure of Barack Obama-President United States of America congress higher authority taken the accurate rung and made others stunned. Maharshtra Chief Minister Ashok Chauhan was thrown out of the pose. First of all he himself requested High officials of his Party his longing of resignation. Then after some point of time he bestows his resignation to the Governor of Maharastra.

Not merely Chauhan Congress authorized procure one more astonishing rung throwing Suresh Kalmadi –man who

showed the world how much corruption can be placed in India out of Secretary post of Parliament Committee. At the time when assessments are being done on these

two issues Congress Authorities stir are laudable. The grounds why Congress taken these stepladders is very lucid it has tried to Damage Control for the reason that Opposition don’t make ruckus in the Parliament.

Now by hook or crook Congress is forcing Telecom

Minister A Raja to walk out. After the C.A.G report which has been leaked and showed that the 3G spectrum Scam is approximately of 1.7 Lakh Crore. After Jailalita obtainable Center prop up devoi

d of any arrangement, if Raja resigns the heaviness on Raja and Karunanidhi has been doubled.

In parliament the interior hearsay was that on the

birth date of Sonia Gandhi in decambers Jailalita might proffer the friendship gesticulation from her aside. The in attendance offering shows that Jailalita will not linger undeniably she will propose only when the subject is smoldering day by day. Talking about Karunanidi it seems that his tread is varying and right at the present he is going through the Report. From the commencement only when speculations are being put frontward on Raja he has full fledgy supported the Telecom Minister.

In point of fact Karunanidi is being pressurized by his possess party members also to throw Raja out of center. All his family members including Alagiri,Stalin,Dayanidhi Maran all have desired to ask Raja to give up his job. Indeed the first time when 3G

scam came into limelight then only Prime Minister sought to prohibit Raja from his council of Ministers. This point in time when U.P.A re elected Prime Minister doesn’t wanted Raja in his cabinet but tribulations and stipulation of Coalition Government are like that only.

In spite of shore up presented by Jailalita Congress wants to pressurize Karunadhi to pose Raja to leave his job. The reason for this footstep is also very comprehensible in these point of years DMK has showed more bearing than AIDMK to Congress. Ignoring the actuality that bearing in mind the State election in TamilNaidu Jailalita has became more illustrious in the midst of the populace. But Congress has credited Center more than State. Congress also feels that might be if Mamata Bannerjee comes in power in West Bengal and she takes shore up back it doesn’t covet his stipulation like Atal Bihari Vajpaye in 1998 when Mamata Bannerjee and jailaita

both back snapped and government was fallen before an year.

Congress also knows that making Raja Minister has not traumatized its illustration in obverse of populace. The only predicament U.P.A had is it has specified one raison d'ĂȘtre to opposition to make a commotion. Opposition has desired to investigate the issues with Joint Parliamentary Committee {J.P.C}. Supreme Court is also discovering out the reality and Raja had to move out if in finding something predicament comes out. If Raja resigns that will errand U.P.A only. By this move only Congress image would have an increase after the Commonwealth and Adarsh Society Scam damage. Making Priviraj Chauhan Chief

Minister of Maharastra is an additional affirmative dot towards U.P.A damaged image.

Because of Bo force Scam in preceding ten years Corruption became a political issue. That a great deal imperative that Left and South both amalgamated to make a commanding opposition in 1989.Rajiv Gandhi with 415 elected members were set aside of government. But bearing in mind the present set-up we can utter

that Corruption is not now a poignant issue in commoners.

Prateek Pathak


University of Allahabad

Tuesday, November 9, 2010

A schema for Obama !!!


ecently my mentor Dhananjay Chopra asked that it is justified that Prime Minister of the biggest democracy of the world welcomed President of United States of America? I thought for couple of seconds and articulated yes it is. But discussing on the same issue to my close pal shaljm, she said that a na

tion which has detriment existence of so scores of populace of loads of nations have their own pity motive for impending our nation.

Indians now know what Americans have known fo

r long: that President Barack Obama is a man high on oratory but low an actual deliverance. Therefore, his admitt

ance newly in an interview to PTI that he may not be able to abide by the expectations of his Indian hosts comes as no surprise.

We have optimism for a new and passive America," said US President Barack Obama in his first presidential speec

h after winning the election 2 years ago. He had mentioned Gandhi and India in the same vein. His touch down in Mumbai on Deepavali may not be figurative of a new light in Indo-US relations, but yes, there is hope.

He was the gulp of air of fresh air that would ch

ange America and the world. He raised a slogan that echo across the globe, millions joined him and in accord chanted, "

Yes we can." But governments do not run on optimism and fresh air. Two years into Barack Obama's presidency, America and the world are discovering that fine public speaking does not guarantee a fine presidency.

Barack Obama is culpable of opting the easy path over the right path on more occasion than one. The last minute de

cision to leave Amritsar out of the President's circuit is fuelled by fear of domestic political corollary.

The litmus ordeal for Obama's authenticity will be whether he uses the prospect to deliberately endorse India's candidature as a permanent member of the United Nations Security Council. So far the Americans have said the right things about India's legitimate claims to a spot in the lingerin

g UNSC, but no assurance have been put down .

US military aid to Pakistan is a major fillet of disputation for India. Weapon systems like the Harpoon Anti-Ship missiles, P3C Orion maritime patrol aircraft or the advanced AN/TPS-77 radar system that the US is advertising to Pakistan have very partial use in counter-revolution operations and are far more useful in a conformist military quarrel, most likely to be used against India.

The recent bad blood over America not sharing the na

me of terror functioning David Headley with India ahead of or instantaneously after 26/11 has shown that there is still a reliance debit that exists between the two countries.

While both sides will externally endeavor to downplay suspicions, America's disinclination to share p

recise information on Headley has exposed that while it is prepared to get ahead of most time susceptible information to India, it is not above holding back in a row that may blow America's war in the Afghanistan-Pakistan region.

Another set of people are keenly observing the advancement Obama might make in terms of garnering benefits for American firms dealing in nuclear facilities. The question is why shouldn't an American President push his agenda? It was Prime Minister Manmohan Singh's coerce and urging that resulted in

the much peddle nuclear deal between the two nations. It was the India government, which was keen on making all concessions for a formal entry into the haloed nuclear club.

Bhopal gas tragedy, the failure of Dabhol power project, use of US made artillery-locating radars used by Pakistan during Kargil, an eye opener?

It's a different matter that we never control our utilization, our market and our resources to garner benefits for ourselves and like cry babies, look for support. When we can invest

in numerous international firms, buy them like apples, why can't we determine our own foreign policy initiatives and secure our interests like China? Certainly we can and hopefully we shall.

In fact, Obama was in India to take something: guidelines for American companies so that he can knock employment back home. It is a snooping fact that Obama needs both Pakistan and India, the first for war and the second for jobs. There are no analogous tensions when Obama deals with China, since China is happy to see a stronger Pakistan act as a military counterweight to India. We are in the middle, not quite caught in a squeeze; but sometimes the diffe.

Let us accept it that in a long time we are considering a politician speaking from his heart. Sincerity was writ all over. And i am sure he is really inspired by Mahatma, Martin Luther King and other great souls. He was plainspoken in quoting Tagore .His excerpts from Swami Vivekananda exposed is overall understanding. He has very rightly reminded us that responsibility and precise go together. He has very accurately chosen to be blunt in the Parliament. I cannot diverge with him. Our M. P's clamor for their rights; have they ever notion about their errands. Gandhi has been totally elapsed in the parliament and as such no politician can be probable to be proud when talking about Gandhi.

Prateek Pathak


B.A in Media Studies

University of Allahabad

Monday, November 8, 2010

Obama's vocalizations in Parliament !

Over the past three days, my wife Michelle and I have experienced the beauty and dynamism of India and its people. From the majesty of Humayun's Tomb to the advanced technologies that are empowering farmers and women who are the backbone of Indian society. From a Diwali celebration with schoolchildren to the innovators who are fueling India's economic rise. From the university students who will chart India's future, to you - leaders who helped to bring India to this moment of promise.

At every stop, we have been welcomed with the h

ospitality for which Indians have always been known. So to you and the people of India, on behalf of me, Michelle and the American people, please accept our deepest thanks. Bahoot dhanyavad.

I am not the first American president to visit India. No

r will I be the last. But I am proud to visit India so early in my presidency. It is no coincidence that India is my first stop on a visit to Asia, or that this has been my longest visit to another country since becoming President.
For in Asia and around the world, India is not simply emerging; India has already emerged. And it is my firm belief that the relationship between the United States and India - bound by our shared interests and values - will be one of the defining partnerships of the 21st century. This is the partnership I have come here to b

uild. This is the vision that our nations can realise together.
My confidence in our shared future is grounded in my respect

for India's treasured past - a civilization that has been shaping the world for thousands of years. Indians unlocked the intricacies of the human body and the vastness of our universe. And it is no exaggeration to say that our information age is rooted in Indian innovations - including the number zero.
India not only opened our minds, she expanded our moral imagination. With religious texts that still summon the faithful to lives of dignity and discipline. With poets who imagined a future "where the mind is without fear and the head is held high." And with a man whose message of love and justice endures - the Father of your Nation, Mahatma Gandhi.
For me and Michelle, this visit has therefore held special meanin

g. Throughout my life, including my work as a young man on behalf of the urban poor, I have always found inspiration in the life of Gandhiji and in his simple and profound lesson to be the change we seek in the world. And just as he summoned Indians to seek their destiny, he influenced champions of equality in my own country, including a young Martin Luther King. After making his pilgrimage to India a half century ago, Dr. King called Gandhi's philosophy of non-violent resistance "the only logical and moral approach" in the struggle for justice and progress.

So we were honoured to visit the residence where Gandhi and King both stayed - Mani Bhavan. We were humbled to pay our respects at Raj Ghat. And I am mindful that I might not be standing before you today, as President of the United States, had it not been for Gandhi and the message he shared with America and the world.

An ancient civilization of science and innovation. A fundamental faith in human progress. This is the sturdy foundation upon which you have built ever since that stroke of midnight when the tricolour was raised over a free and independent India. And despite the skeptics who said that this country was simply too poor, too vast, too diverse to succeed, you surmounted overwhelming odds and became a model to the world.

Instead of slipping into starvation, you launched a Green Revolution that fed millions. Instead of becoming dependent on commodities and exports, you invested in science and technology and in your greatest resource - the Indian people. And the world sees the results, from the supercomputers you build to the Indian flag that you put on the moon.

Instead of resisting the global economy, you became one of its engines - reforming the licensing raj and unleashing an economic marvel that has lifted tens of millions from poverty and created one of the world's largest middle classes.

Instead of succumbing to division, you have shown that the strength of India - the very idea of India - is its embrace of all colours, castes and creeds. It's the diversity represented in this chamber today. It's the richness of faiths celebrated by a visitor to my hometown of Chicago more than a century ago - the renowned Swami Vivekananda. He said that, "holiness, purity and charity are not the exclusive possessions of any church in the world, and that every system has produced men and women of the most exalted character."

And instead of being lured by the false notion that progress must come at the expense of freedom, you built the institutions upon which true democracy depends - free and fair elections, which enable citizens to choose their own leaders without recourse to arms; an independent judiciary and the rule of law, which allows people to address their grievances; and a thriving free press and vibrant civil society which allows every voice to be heard. And this year, as India marks 60 years with a strong and democratic constitution, the lesson is clear: India has succeeded, not in spite of democracy; India has succeeded because of democracy.

Just as India has changed, so too has the relationship between our two nations. In the decades after independence, India advanced its interests as a proud leader of the nonaligned movement. Yet too often, the United States and India found ourselves on opposite sides of a North-South divide and estranged by a long Cold War. Those days are over.

Here in India, two successive governments led by different parties have recognized that deeper partnership with America is both natural and necessary. In the United States, both of my predecessors - one Democrat, one Republican - worked to bring us closer, leading to increased trade and a landmark civil nuclear agreement.

Since then, people in both our countries have asked: what next? How can we build on this progress and realise the full potential of our partnership? That is what I want to address today - the future that the United States seeks in an interconnected world; why I believe that India is indispensable to this vision; and how we can forge a truly global partnership - not in just one or two areas, but across many; not just for our mutual benefit, but for the world's.

Of course, only Indians can determine India's national interests and how to advance them on the world stage. But I stand before you today because I am convinced that the interests of the United States - and the interests we share with India - are best advanced in partnership.

The United States seeks security - the security of our country, allies and partners. We seek prosperity - a strong and growing economy in an open international economic system. We seek respect for universal values. And we seek a just and sustainable international order that promotes peace and security by meeting global challenges through stronger global cooperation.

To advance these interests, I have committed the United States to comprehensive engagement with the world, based on mutual interest and mutual respect. And a central pillar of this engagement is forging deeper cooperation with 21st century centers of influence - and that includes India.

Now, India is not the only emerging power in the world. But the relationship between our countries is unique. For we are two strong democracies whose constitutions begin with the same revolutionary words - "We the people." We are two great Republics dedicated to the liberty, justice and the equality of all people. And we are two free market economies where people have the freedom to pursue ideas and innovations that can change the world. This is why I believe that India and America are indispensable partners in meeting the challenges of our time.

Since taking office, I've therefore made our relationship a priority. I was proud to welcome Prime Minister Singh for the first official state visit of my presidency. For the first time ever, our governments are working together across the whole range of common challenges we face. And let me say it as clearly as I can: the United States not only welcomes India as a rising global power, we fervently support it, and we have worked to help make it a reality.

Together with our partners, we have made the G20 the premier forum for international economic cooperation, bringing more voices to the table of global economic decision-making, including India. We have increased the role of emerging economies like India at international financial institutions. We valued India's important role at Copenhagen, where, for the first time, all major economies committed to take action to confront climate change - and to stand by those actions. We salute India's long history as a leading contributor to United Nations peacekeeping missions. And we welcome India as it prepares to take its seat on the United Nations Security Council.

In short, with India assuming its rightful place in the world, we have an historic opportunity to make the relationship between our two countries a defining partnership of the century ahead. And I believe we can do so by working together in three important areas.

First, as global partners we can promote prosperity in both our countries. Together, we can create the high-tech, high-wage jobs of the future. With my visit, we are now ready to begin implementing our civil nuclear agreement. This will help meet India's growing energy needs and create thousands of jobs in both our countries.

We need to forge partnerships in high-tech sectors like defence and civil space. So we have removed Indian organizations from our so-called "entity list." And we'll work to reform our controls on exports. Both of these steps will ensure that Indian companies seeking high-tech trade and technologies from America are treated the same as our closest allies and partners.

We can pursue joint research and development to create green jobs; give Indians more access to cleaner, affordable energy; meet the commitments we made at Copenhagen; and show the possibilities of low-carbon growth.

Together, we can resist the protectionism that stifles growth and innovation. The United States remains - and will continue to remain - one of the most open economies in the world. And by opening markets and reducing barriers to foreign investment, India can realize its full economic potential as well. As G20 partners, we can make sure the global economic recovery is strong and durable. And we can keep striving for a Doha Round that is ambitious and balanced - with the courage to make the compromises that are necessary so global trade works for all economies.

Together, we can strengthen agriculture. Cooperation between Indian and American researchers and scientists sparked the Green Revolution. Today, India is a leader in using technology to empower farmers, like those I met yesterday who get free updates on market and weather conditions on their cell phones. And the United States is a leader in agricultural productivity and research. Now, as farmers and rural areas face the effects of climate change and drought, we'll work together to spark a second, more sustainable Evergreen Revolution.

Together, we're going to improve Indian weather forecasting systems before the next monsoon season. We aim to help millions of Indian farming households save water and increase productivity; improve food processing so crops don't spoil on the way to market; and enhance climate and crop forecasting to avoid losses that cripple communities and drive up food prices.

And as part of our food security initiative, we're going to share India's expertise with farmers in Africa. This is an indication of India's rise - that we can now export hard-earned expertise to countries that see India as a model for agricultural development. And that's another powerful example of how American and Indian partnership can address an urgent global challenge.

Because the wealth of a nation also depends on the health of its people, we'll continue to support India's efforts against diseases like tuberculosis and HIV/AIDS, and as global partners, we'll work to improve global health by preventing the spread of pandemic flu. And because knowledge is the currency of the 21st century, we'll increase exchanges between our students, colleges and universities, which are among the best in the world.

As we work to advance our shared prosperity, we can partner to address a second priority - our shared security. In Mumbai, I met with the courageous families and survivors of that barbaric attack. And here in this Parliament, which was itself targeted because of the democracy it represents, we honor the memory of all those who have been taken from us, including American citizens on 26/11 and Indian citizens on 9/11.

This is the bond we share. It's why we insist that nothing ever justifies the slaughter of innocent men, women and children. It's why we're working together, more closely than ever, to prevent terrorist attacks and to deepen our cooperation even further. And it's why, as strong and resilient societies, we refuse to live in fear, we will not sacrifice the values and rule of law that defines us, and we will never waver in the defense of our people.

America's fight against Al-Qaida and its terrorist affiliates is why we persevere in Afghanistan, where major development assistance from India has improved the lives of the Afghan people. We're making progress in our mission to break the Taliban's momentum and to train Afghan forces so they can take the lead for their security. And while I have made it clear that American forces will begin the transition to Afghan responsibility next summer, I have also made it clear that America's commitment to the Afghan people will endure. The United States will not abandon the people of Afghanistan - or the region - to the violent extremists who threaten us all.

Our strategy to disrupt, dismantle and defeat Al-Qaida and its affiliates has to succeed on both sides of the border. That is why we have worked with the Pakistani government to address the threat of terrorist networks in the border region. The Pakistani government increasingly recognises that these networks are not just a threat outside of Pakistan - they are a threat to the Pakistani people, who have suffered greatly at the hands of violent extremists.

And we will continue to insist to Pakistan's leaders that terrorist safe-havens within their borders are unacceptable, and that the terrorists behind the Mumbai attacks be brought to justice. We must also recognise that all of us have and interest in both an Afghanistan and a Pakistan that is stable, prosperous and democratic - and none more so than India.

In pursuit of regional security, we will continue to welcome dialogue between India and Pakistan, even as we recognize that disputes between your two countries can only be resolved by the people of your two countries.

More broadly, India and the United States can partner in Asia. Today, the United States is once again playing a leadership role in Asia - strengthening old alliances; deepening relationships, as we are doing with China; and we're reengaging with regional organizations like ASEAN and joining the East Asia summit - organizations in which India is also a partner. Like your neighbours in Southeast Asia, we want India to not only "look East," we want India to "engage East" - because it will increase the security and prosperity of all our nations.

And as two global leaders, the United States and India can partner for global security - especially as India serves on the Security Council over the next two years. Indeed, the just and sustainable international order that America seeks includes a United Nations that is efficient, effective, credible and legitimate. That is why I can say today - in the years ahead, I look forward to a reformed UN Security Council that includes India as a permanent member.

Now, let me suggest that with increased power comes increased responsibility. The United Nations exists to fulfill its founding ideals of preserving peace and security, promoting global cooperation, and advancing human rights. These are the responsibilities of all nations, but especially those that seek to lead in the 21st century. And so we look forward to working with India - and other nations that aspire to Security Council membership - to ensure that the Security Council is effective; that resolutions are implemented and sanctions are enforced; and that we strengthen the international norms which recognise the rights and responsibilities of all nations and individuals.

This includes our responsibility to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons. Since I took office, the United States has reduced the role of nuclear weapons in our national security strategy, and agreed with Russia to reduce our arsenals. We have put preventing nuclear proliferation and nuclear terrorism at the top of our nuclear agenda, and strengthened the cornerstone of the global non-proliferation regime - the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty.

Together, the United States and India can pursue our goal of securing the world's vulnerable nuclear materials. We can make it clear that even as every nation has the right to peaceful nuclear energy, every nation must also meet its international obligations - and that includes the Islamic Republic of Iran. And together, we can pursue a vision that Indian leaders have espoused since Independence - a world without nuclear weapons.

This leads me to the final area where our countries can partner - strengthening the foundations of democratic governance, not only at home but abroad.

In the United States, my administration has worked to make government more open and transparent and accountable to the people. Here in India, you're harnessing technologies to do the same, as I saw yesterday.Your landmark Right to Information Act is empowering citizens with the ability to get the services to which they're entitled and to hold officials accountable. Voters can get information about candidates by text message. And you're delivering education and health care services to rural communities, as I saw yesterday when I joined an e-panchayat with villagers in Rajasthan.

Now, in a new collaboration on open government, our two countries are going to share our experience, identify what works, and develop the next-generation of tools to empower citizens. And in another example of how American and Indian partnership can address global challenges, we're going to share these innovations with civil society groups and countries around the world. We're going to show that democracy, more than any other form of government, delivers for the common man - and woman.

Likewise, when Indians vote, the whole world watches. Thousands of political parties, hundreds of thousands of polling centres. Millions of candidates and poll workers, and 700 million voters. There's nothing like it on the planet. There is so much that countries transitioning to democracy could learn from India's experience; so much expertise that India could share with the world. That, too, is what's possible when the world's largest democracy embraces its role as a global leader.

As the world's two largest democracies, we must also never forget that the price of our own freedom is standing up for the freedom of others. Indians know this, for it is the story of your nation. Before he ever began his struggle for Indian independence, Gandhi stood up for the rights of Indians in South Africa. Just as others, including the United States, supported Indian Independence, India championed the self-determination of peoples from Africa to Asia as they too broke free from colonialism. And along with the United States, you've been a leader in supporting democratic development and civil society groups around the world. This, too, is part of India's greatness.

Every country will follow its own path. No one nation has a monopoly on wisdom, and no nation should ever try to impose its values on another. But when peaceful democratic movements are suppressed - as in Burma - then the democracies of the world cannot remain silent. For it is unacceptable to gun down peaceful protesters and incarcerate political prisoners decade after decade. It is unacceptable to hold the aspirations of an entire people hostage to the greed and paranoia of a bankrupt regime. It is unacceptable to steal an election, as the regime in Burma has done again for all the world to see.

Faced with such gross violations of human rights, it is the responsibility of the international community - especially leaders like the United States and India - to condemn it. If I can be frank, in international fora, India has often avoided these issues. But speaking up for those who cannot do so for themselves is not interfering in the affairs of other countries. It's not violating the rights of sovereign nations. It's staying true to our democratic principles. It's giving meaning to the human rights that we say are universal. And it sustains the progress that in Asia and around the world has helped turn dictatorships into democracies and ultimately increased our security in the world.

Promoting shared prosperity, preserving peace and security, strengthening democratic governance and human rights - these are the responsibilities of leadership. And, as global partners, this is the leadership that the United States and India can offer in the 21st century. Ultimately, however, this cannot be a relationship only between presidents and prime ministers, or in the halls of this Parliament. Ultimately, this must be a partnership between our peoples. So I want to conclude by speaking directly to the people of India watching today.

In your lives, you have overcome odds that might have overwhelmed a lesser country. In just decades, you have achieved progress and development that took other nations centuries. And now you are assuming your rightful place as a leader among nations. Your parents and grandparents imagined this. Your children and grandchildren will look back on this. But only you - this generation of Indians - can seize the possibility of this moment.

As you carry on with the hard work ahead, I want every Indian citizen to know: The United States of America will not simply be cheering you on from the sidelines. We will be right there with you, shoulder to shoulder. Because we believe in the promise of India. And we believe that the future is what we make it.

We believe that no matter who you are or where you come from, every person can fulfill their God-given potential, just as a Dalit like Dr. Ambedkar could lift himself up and pen the words of the Constitution that protects the rights of all Indians.

We believe that no matter where you live - whether a village in Punjab or the bylanes of Chandni old section of Kolkata or a new high-rise in Bangalore - every person deserves the same chance to live in security and dignity, to get an education, to find work, and to give their children a better future.

And we believe that when countries and cultures put aside old habits and attitudes that keep people apart, when we recognize our common humanity, then we can begin to fulfill the aspirations we share. It's a simple lesson contained in that collection of stories which has guided Indians for centuries - the Panchtantra. And it's the spirit of the inscription seen by all who enter this Great Hall: 'That one is mine and the other a stranger is the concept of little minds. But to the large-hearted, the world itself is their family."

This is the story of India; it's the story of America - that despite their differences, people can see themselves in one another, and work together and succeed together as one proud nation. And it can be the spirit of the partnership between our nations - that even as we honour the histories which in different times kept us apart, even as we preserve what makes us unique in a globalised world, we can recognise how much we can achieve together.

And if we let this simple concept be our guide, if we pursue the vision I have described today - a global partnership to meet global challenges - then I have no doubt that future generations - Indians and Americans - will live in a world that is more prosperous, more secure, and more just because of the bonds that our generation forged today.

Thank you,
Jai Hind!, and long live the partnership between India and the United States.

Prateek Pathak


B.A in Media Studies

University of Allahabad